Katrina: 5 years after the disasterBy Julianne Malveaux
(NNPA) – On August 29, we will commemorate five years since Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, breaking through levees and drowning the city in torrents of water. Americans exhibited some of the most profound indifference to human beings in 2005 as thousands of New Orleans residents were stuck without food, water, or sanitation in the Superdome. In the aftermath of those five years, divisions of race and class have determined who has recovered from Katrina and who has not. Five years after the levees broke, New Orleans is still bruised from the tragedy of a natural disaster, a man-made disaster, and an indifferent government. To prove that assertion, three scholar-researchers have compiled a "Pain Index" for New Orleans in 2010. They contend that too many people have been permanently displaced, the infrastructure remains badly frayed, and that there is insufficient affordable housing. The scholars – Bill Quigley, Legal Director of the Center for Constitutional Rights, Loyola University law professors Bill and Davida Finger, and Tulane University researcher Lance Hill – also note that while some say the median income in New Orleans has risen since Katrina, that income has risen only because many poor people can't come back. There are at least 100,000 fewer people in New Orleans today than five years ago. One in four residential addresses are vacant or blighted. Nearly 20,000 people are still waiting for money from the Road Home program to rebuild their homes. Meanwhile, rents have spiraled, 5,000 people are waiting for public housing, and another 28,000 or so are waiting for housing vouchers. The public school system has been decimated, and it is unclear whether charter education has been an improvement. In 2005, a New Orleans businessman promised the Wall Street Journal that the business community would use Katrina to reconfigure New Orleans politically, demographically and economically. With the city now being represented by a Vietnamese American Republican, and with a major demographic shift in the City Council, one might say the businessman kept his promise. Whether benignly or deliberately, poor people have gotten the word – they are not welcome in New Orleans. "I wouldn't live anywhere else," one brother said. His voice has the thickness of gumbo, the jazzed nuance of many New Orleanean voices. The second time he picks me up to take me from one place to another, my driver tells me his story: He is 68, former military, and was a retiree when Katrina hit. But he and his wife had to start all over because they lost everything. So instead of enjoying retirement, he drives three days a week and does "odd jobs" to make ends meet. When I ask about federal government help, he grunts, utters an expletive, and then says, "I told you we had to start over." The housekeeper at the Hilton is a sweet chatterbox. When she brings extra tea bags, she natters on about why she prefers coffee to tea. When I ask her how she managed after Katrina, though, she grows silent and her countenance grows sad. "I lost my mother two years ago," she said. "I really think that storm killed her." She tells me a harrowing evacuation story that landed part of her family in Atlanta and part in Houston. Three of her five children chose to stay in Atlanta, feeling that starting over was too much. "I miss them and I miss my grands, but I have two others here," she said. She speaks of Sunday dinners past with a wistfulness in her voice. "It is as if our family has been broken in half," she said. People visit, she adds, but it's not the same. And, she says she is grateful for what she does have, including her health, her home, and good relationships. That flypaper isn't as sweet for many New Orleaneans as it was five years ago, and material conditions have worsened as well. As we commemorate the five years since Katrina, what can we say about the possibility that this city and its residents will ever be made whole? Julianne Malveaux is President of Bennett College for Women in Greensboro, North Carolina.
Chaos in East Point:
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'Reclaim the Dream' on Aug. 28th
By Rev. Al Sharpton
Contributing Columnist
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Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. waves to the crowd before giving his now iconic "I Have A Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963. Now, 47 years later, it's time to reclaim that dream, says civil rights activist Al Sharpton. |
Forty-seven years ago, our nation was in the midst of uncertainty, trepidation, fear, frustration, anger and unrest. Forty-seven years ago, we were simultaneously hopeful, dedicated, ambitious, determined and resilient.
Forty-seven years ago, people of all races gathered on the National Mall in Washington, D.C. to urge their federal government to live up to the standards and ethos embodied in our Constitution. Forty-seven years ago, we demanded equal access to education, voting rights, desegregation across the board, just employment opportunities and equanimity in society.
And 47 years ago, men and women from all walks of life, and from all ethnic persuasions rallied and marched for a larger federal government to intervene because states were failing to ensure our basic human civil rights.
It was on Aug. 28, 1963, that the great Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. unequivocally summarized the sentiments of the more than 250,000 attendees and millions across the nation when he delivered his "I Have a Dream Speech." Now, 47 years later, it is time to reclaim that dream.
The National Action Network and I invite you to join us on Aug. 28 in Washington, D.C as we mobilize along with other progressive leaders, clergy, activists and dream keepers to unanimously Reclaim The Dream. We will meet at 11 a.m. at Dunbar High School and then march forward in the same peaceful manner as Dr. King did on that historic day.
When most people reflect on August 28, 1963, they often forget the premise of why Dr. King and other leaders organized such a massive congregation. Billed as the "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom," the rally pushed the federal government to take more direct action in enforcing laws and policies that would end institutional racism and create a level playing field for all people despite race, color or creed.
The three-hour long program at the Lincoln Memorial united civil rights leaders like John Lewis and Dr. King to present a unified front in the quest for justice. And the following year, the success of that day and Dr. King's relentless work were realized when Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, and a year later passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Dr. King undoubtedly understood the necessity of immediacy. He knew that despite the end of slavery, "One hundred years later, the Negro is still not free" and that "One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity."
Today, with incomprehensible unemployment rates as high as 50 percent in some parts of New York, unequal access to decent education and housing, astronomical arrest and imprisonment rates, skyrocketing foreclosures, and remaining strongholds of racial injustice, African-Americans are still vying to fully realize Dr. King's dream.
Join us as we mobilize, once again, those who refuse to settle for injustice and inequality. In honor of Dr. King, we will again march in the nation's capital as we call on our federal government to ensure our inalienable rights when states sometimes fail to do so.
We again are living in tumultuous, volatile times, but we again remain hopeful and vigilant that change is just around the corner. It begins with laws and policies that create opportunity and impartiality. And it begins with each one of us.
On Aug. 28, 1963, Dr. King infamously stated: "I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.' "
Let everyone who believes in justice join us in Washington on the 28th as we RECLAIM THE DREAM.
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Racism reigns anew in Congress
By Ron Walters
Contributing Columnist
The sensational revelations about Rep. Maxine Waters and alleged ethics violations have failed to relay an important fact to the public about why she arranged meetings between herself, a bank, and former Treasury Secretary Paulson. It had to do with trying to support the survival of the black economic infrastructure that had been hit hard by the nation's financial crisis.
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U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters, a senior member of the Financial Services Committee, faces allegations that she intervened inappropriately to get the Treasury Department to help a black-owned bank in which her husband owned stock and had served on the board of directors. |
Waters, a senior member of the Financial Services Committee, faces allegations that she intervened inappropriately to get the Treasury Department to help a black-owned bank in which her husband owned stock and had served on the board of directors.
Intervening to help a black business, however, is nothing new to Waters.
Waters has long been an congressional advocate for Black businesses, essentially because those businesses had been marginalized and excluded routinely. Here, she took over the role of Parren Mitchell of Baltimore who was their champion, but who left the Congress with an illness.
Rep. Waters invited me to a meeting last November to speak to a group of representatives of Black economic organizations about how black America was faring during the nation's economic crisis. In the room were the leaders in fields such as automotive, banking, financial services, broadcasting and others. All said their industries were being decimated because of the inability to access capital.
The head of black auto executives, for example, said black dealerships in the General Motors system had plunged from 63 to 26, and if there was no help from GMAC – which was receiving federal funds – it could go lower.
This testimony was laced with cries for help that were not being responded to at the White House, the Treasury Department or elsewhere in government. It seemed that the Black economy was on its own in the midst of this crisis.
This has been a relatively consistent state of affairs for Blacks who have not been able to enjoy the advertising, service contracts and other resources that other firms enjoy. For them to be deprived of resources being handed by government to fix economic crisis smacks of institutional racism.
After all, some of my tax money – and yours – was sent to GMAC, the General Motors financial corporation, to keep dealerships in business. But Black dealerships were being cut right and left in the process.
But this is not the only reason we should be concerned about attempts to stifle the efforts of Maxine Waters to fight for black businesses. There are much deeper issues here of importance to the black community. In fact, the process of the Office of Congressional Ethics itself also smacks of institutional racism.
Here's why: Out of the 435 members of Congress, and the 36 cases brought before the ethics panel – most of which involved white members of Congress – the only two cases deemed worthy of going to trial both involved black members of Congress – Waters and Charles Rangel. This would mean that "the swamp" that Speaker Nancy Pelosi wanted to drain in the House of Representatives was characterized by the indiscretions of Black members only, when we all know that is hardly the case.
Black lawmakers so far have defended Rangel and Waters, saying they are entitled to due process. While some black lawmakers have grumbled privately that race may be a factor in the ethics process, few will say that publicly.
But as a result of this move by the ethics panel, both Waters and Rangel have put the Democratic party in a box because the two Republicans and two Democrats who proposed trials for them probably believed they would make a deal, take some form of censure and move on.
But they have decided to fight, in part, because they believe the leaking of charges to the media has resulted in a public trial and prosecution. So, they've decided to fight to clear their names – right at the moment when elections are bearing down and the Democratic party is not favored to hold to most of its seats the House or Senate.
Republicans will probably use this issue against Nancy Pelosi as the symbol of the Democratic party in the House, but it will not affect either Rangel's seat or Waters.
So, I disagree profoundly with Jonathan Capehart of The Washington Post and his colleagues who say that the problem here is the "entrenched entitlement" of these individuals. These critics don't have a clue as to what the Black community is facing, either in the House of Representatives or in this current economic crisis, or how valuable Rep. Waters has been.
Dr. Ron Walters is a Political Analysts and Professor Emeritus of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park. One of his latest books is: Freedom Is Not Enough: Black Candidates, Black Voters and American Presidential Politics, (Rowman and Littlefield)
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Haiti: A chance for a new model
By Nicole C. Lee
Contributing Columnist
This week my organization, TransAfrica Forum, had the good fortune of being able to testify in a congressional hearing on the continuing crisis in Haiti. It was a unique opportunity to address the reality of the flawed response and reconstruction situation.
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The efficacy of the relief effort in Haiti has been undermined by structural inefficiencies, bureaucratic inertia, the broad scope of the disaster and vested interested parties working to preserve their own privileges while giving the appearance of change, columnist says. |
Despite the high level of financial resources already pledged and available, the efficacy of the relief effort has been undermined by structural inefficiencies, bureaucratic inertia, the broad scope of the disaster and vested interested parties working to preserve their own privileges while giving the appearance of change.
International and governments alike have been quick to recognize that a return to pre-Quake Haiti cannot be the standard. I could not agree more.
The situation in Haiti prior to January 12 was anything but ideal. With a small and weak government frequently undermined by foreign organizations and governments, Haiti was simply unable to internally address the magnitude of the Quake.
Unfortunately, while there have been extraordinary efforts and a tremendous outpouring of support from the American people, the crisis response has replicated flawed models of both emergency response and long-term reconstruction.
This model of relief and reconstruction has shut out Haitian civil society from taking on leadership roles in the rebuilding process. Their inclusion in on-the-ground operations as well as policy conversations is imperative, but has been sadly neglected.
Throughout the rebuilding process, we have seen Haitians self-organize and empower themselves to build Haiti back better. International agencies and governments alike say they are committed to including Haitian participants, but long-embedded prejudices and systems continue to operate. Relief and reconstruction efforts are overwhelming in Haiti's crowded capital, Port-au-Prince, yet few resources are distributed to other regions where the need is also great.
Post-Quake Haiti is being framed as an opportunity for further international investment in the sweatshop industry. Textile factory workers in Port-au-Prince returned to work just two weeks after the quake. Their jobs continue to provide them no worker protection and their wages are so low that many are forced to walk home because they cannot afford transportation costs.
If we do not correct the failures of this post-emergency period, we will set the stage for a failed reconstruction period: national and international corruption, continued human rights violations, wasted resources and, most importantly, continued suffering and loss for the people of Haiti.
Changing the model requires reinvention. Such reinvention in the midst of a crisis and its aftermath is not easy. We understand that creating recommendations and principles is easier than their execution, particularly in the midst of continued chaos and emergencies. Participatory approaches are not easy. But participatory approaches will most effectively include Haitian civil society organizations with a long history in Haiti and commitment to long-term progress.
In the coming months, there will be many opportunities to increase the participation of ordinary Haitians. The November 28, 2010 set date for presidential and parliamentary elections presents an occasion for unprecedented civic participation and voter turnout. But this requires immediate action to be a fair and inclusive electoral process.
Haitian-led policy recommendations, generated by civil society organizations and their partners, exist to support such a change. Investing in sustainable, long-term solutions for Haiti means supporting decentralization. It means that a concerted effort at shifting resources and activities outside of the capital must be at the forefront of all tactical relief efforts.
Haiti has been highly centralized for centuries, with most commerce, trade, education and jobs being located in Port-au-Prince. An unfortunate result of which has been that many people who initially fled the capital following the quake were forced to return because of non-existent access to resources.
In the medium- and long-term development of Haiti, we must strengthen regional commerce centers, the development and support of secondary and tertiary roads systems and local and regional food production. With the goal of Haitian participation and leadership we can work, in collaboration, to truly build a better Haiti.
Nicole C. Lee is the President of TransAfrica Forum
